The nomadic unity and the Guattarian schizophrenic man
The last molecular question inquires which
hidden philosophical and political thought lies in the accelerationist passage of The Civilized Capitalist Machine. Let us analyze the historical and political background of those years in France. Deleuze and Guattari in the two-year period 1972-1973 speak about the political issue in various occasions “We also know that the problem for revolutionaries today is to unite within the purpose of the particular struggle without falling into the despotic and bureaucratic organization of the party or status apparatus. We seek a kind of war machine that will not re-create a status apparatus, a nomadic unit related to the outside that will not revive an internal despotic unity.” (NT, 149) These are Deleuze’s words at Cerisy-la-Salle, words that he will reaffirm in an interview with Vittorio Marchetti for the Italian philosophical magazine «Tempi Moderni»: “The problem is not determining which science will be the human science par
excellence; the problem is determining how
a certain number of "machines" endowed
with revolutionary potential are going to fit
together. For example, the literary machine,
the psychoanalytic machine, and political
machines: either they will find a unifying
point, as they have done so up to now, in a
particular system of adaptation to capitalist
regimes, or else they will find a shattering
unity in a revolutionary utilization.” (DI, 236).
Guattari is on the same level of analysis
when he answers to Michel Antoine Burnier
in an interview for the magazine «Actuel»
published in 1973: “The most important
thing is not authoritarian unification, but
a kind of infinite swarming: desires in
the neighborhood, the schools, factories,
prisons, nursery schools, etc. It’s not about
a make-over, or totalization, but hooking up
on the same plane at its tipping point. As
long as we stick to the alternative between
the impotent spontaneity of anarchy and
the hierarchical and bureaucratic encoding
of a party-organization, there can be no
liberation of desire.” (DI, 266)
He continues underlining the issue of «opponents» in the revolutionary organization: “It's always the same old trick: a big ideological debate in the general assembly, and the questions of organization are reserved for special committees. These look secondary, having been determined by political options. Whereas, in fact, the real problems are precisely the problems of organization, never made explicit or rationalized, but recast after the fact in ideological terms. The real divisions emerge in organization: a particular way of treating desire and power, investments, group- Oedipuses, group-super-egos, phenomena of perversion... Only then are the political oppositions built up: an individual chooses one position over another, because in the scheme of the organization of power, he has already chosen and hates his opponent.” (DI, 264)
To overcome such political poverty Deleuze and Guattari firmly believe that only a brand new type of revolution can produce a brand new type of politics: “... revolutionary organization must be the organization of a war-machine and not of a State apparatus, the organization of an analyzer and not of an external synthesis” (DI, 269). Guattari insists: “And in our view, this corresponds to a certain position vis- a-vis desire, a profound way of envisioning the ego, the individual, and the family. This raises a simple dilemma: either we find some new type of structure to facilitate the fusion of collective desire and revolutionary organization; or we continue on the present course, heading from one repression to the next, toward a fascism that will make Hitler and Mussolini look like a joke.” (DI, 269). Fascism then becomes the main strategic enemy of the ethical-political option proposed by Deleuze and Guattari and it will be the basis on which the two philosophers will develop their theory of molar and molecular fascism in the second volume of Capitalism and Schizophrenia, A Thousand Plateaus in the chapter entitled 1933 Micropolitics and Segmentarity. Foucault himself will highlight this important anti-fascist feature in his introduction to the American edition of Anti-Œdipus when he defines the book as an “introduction to a non fascist life because it tracks down all varieties of fascism, from the enormous ones that surround and crush us to the petty ones that constitute the tyrannical bitterness of our everyday lives” (INFL, 13).
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He continues underlining the issue of «opponents» in the revolutionary organization: “It's always the same old trick: a big ideological debate in the general assembly, and the questions of organization are reserved for special committees. These look secondary, having been determined by political options. Whereas, in fact, the real problems are precisely the problems of organization, never made explicit or rationalized, but recast after the fact in ideological terms. The real divisions emerge in organization: a particular way of treating desire and power, investments, group- Oedipuses, group-super-egos, phenomena of perversion... Only then are the political oppositions built up: an individual chooses one position over another, because in the scheme of the organization of power, he has already chosen and hates his opponent.” (DI, 264)
To overcome such political poverty Deleuze and Guattari firmly believe that only a brand new type of revolution can produce a brand new type of politics: “... revolutionary organization must be the organization of a war-machine and not of a State apparatus, the organization of an analyzer and not of an external synthesis” (DI, 269). Guattari insists: “And in our view, this corresponds to a certain position vis- a-vis desire, a profound way of envisioning the ego, the individual, and the family. This raises a simple dilemma: either we find some new type of structure to facilitate the fusion of collective desire and revolutionary organization; or we continue on the present course, heading from one repression to the next, toward a fascism that will make Hitler and Mussolini look like a joke.” (DI, 269). Fascism then becomes the main strategic enemy of the ethical-political option proposed by Deleuze and Guattari and it will be the basis on which the two philosophers will develop their theory of molar and molecular fascism in the second volume of Capitalism and Schizophrenia, A Thousand Plateaus in the chapter entitled 1933 Micropolitics and Segmentarity. Foucault himself will highlight this important anti-fascist feature in his introduction to the American edition of Anti-Œdipus when he defines the book as an “introduction to a non fascist life because it tracks down all varieties of fascism, from the enormous ones that surround and crush us to the petty ones that constitute the tyrannical bitterness of our everyday lives” (INFL, 13).
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