The withdrawal of the left wing nationalism from the world market
To withdraw from the world market, as
Samir Amin advises Third World countries to do, in a curious revival of the fascist "economic solution"? Or might it be to go in the opposite direction? To go still further, that is, in the movement of the market, of decoding and deterritorialization? For perhaps the flows are not yet deterritorialized enough, not decoded enough, from the viewpoint of a theory and a practice of a highly schizophrenic character. (AO, 238)
Samir Amin, the exponent of the marxist, anti-capitalist, unaligned «Third-World Left» with his nationalist and isolationist position, reminds Deleuze and Guattari of a revival of the fascist "economic solution" of 20s and 30s of the XX century. Therefore another revolutionary option is then discarded and the two French philosophers paradoxically ask: what about going “towards the opposite direction?” A question which produces a double effect: on one side it rejects some of the classical hypothesis of the European «revolutionary humanism»: traditional left wing movements like socialism, communism or social democracy are not even taken into consideration for a revolutionary path. Not to mention the revolutionary trade unionism, the radical reformism or the naive anarchic spontaneity, the new post - ’68 political manifestations, the so-called “little churches” by Guattari. (DI, 264).
Neither is the armed struggle, the nihilist
frontal attack to the system. So where is
such question taking us? Coherently we
should suppose towards the exact contrary
of the «marxist nationalism» that is to say
a worldwide revolution against the same
global capitalism of the decoded and
deterritorialized monetary flux, mentioned
by Deleuze and Guattari. The only possible
marxist or revolutionary global theory
antagonistic of capitalism is the one of Lev
Trotsky, whom Guattari sympathized with
in the 50’s but the idea of a «permanent
revolution» or of Fourth International never
suited Deleuze and Guattari who have never
been nostalgic of soviet times. “Yet no
revolutionary tendency was willing or able
to assume the need for a Soviet organization
that would have allowed the masses to take
real charge of their interests and desires.
Machines called political organizations
were put in circulation, and they functioned
according to the model Dimitrov had
developed at the Seventh International
Congress — alternating between popular
fronts and sectarian retractions — and
they always lead to the same repressive
results. (...) By their axiomatics, these mass
machines refuse to liberate revolutionary
energy. Red flag in hand, this politics in
its underhanded way reminds one of the
politics of the President or the clergy.” (DI,
268). Which chances may a turbo-trotskyist
plan have when referred to «the civilized
capitalist machine»? With regards to the
economic aspect, can we find an economic
theory alternative to capitalism with the
same global «tension» and the same will of
power? Neither a neo marxist as Suzanne de
Brunhoffs’s, nor Bernard Schmitt with his
theory of quantum fluxes, show the same
strength. Without convincing answers
on the horizon and with all historical
possibilities of revolution are set aside,
which opposite direction is possible? At
this point Deleuze and Guattari reveal the
“second effect” of their statement: to push
the revolutionary motion alongside with
the decodification and deterritorialization
of the economic market. Why doing so, we
may ask, and what do revolutionary anti-
market forces share with the capitalistic
ones? Which alliance could be established
from a position of withdrawal from the
market to one of a wild laissez-faire
economy? Moreover what are the two
French philosophers referring to when they
speak about a theory and practice of a highly
schizophrenic character that is supposed
to further deterritorialize and decode the
flows? Were Deleuze and Guattari really
looking for a compromise with the market,
when questioning themselves about the
revolution of the future?
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