The universal delirium and the parody
The issue about the relevance of revolutionary actions appears in Cerisy- la-Salle conference in July 1972 and gives Klossowski the opportunity to talk about “parody” in Nietzsche’s philosophy as
previously highlighted in his Nietzsche,
Polytheism and Parody (1957). Reading
Nietzsche vs. Marx as a key to interpret
the riots of the turbulent 1972 enables
Klossowski to sustain that: under the
sign of the vicious circle, anti-Darwinian
conspiracy entails the coming to autonomy of
productions that are primarily pathological
as the very condition of monumental
upheaval in the relation between the
social forces present. (CV, 39) Nietzsche’s
proposed insubordination has therefore a
double delirant outcome: 1) if the thought
of the eternal return is nothing other than
a parody of a doctrine, even its result, the
revolt of the strong of the future, will be the
amanifestationofsomecollectivedelirium,
2) in a nihilist historical moment occurring
a hundred years after Nietzsche’s idea of
plot, the blossoming of a delusion [délire]
when confronted with reality, can become
in any way efficacious, or, more generally,
any deranged comportment might be said
to constitute an efficient resistance in
the face of a determined adverse force.
(CV, 38). During the debate Klossowski
asks Deleuze: the insubordination of the
delusory ones can be read as an expression
of a universal behaviour or is it simply
linked to the capital? And again: does
delirium transcend any historical time or
is it strictly related to the schizophrenic
behaviour generated by the capital? Is the
appreciation of delirium generated only by
the same subverting process reproducing
itself? Klossowski’s questions suggest that
the same valorisation of delirium outlines
an empty subject which frees itself from
its identity and constantly moves into a
metamorphosis of singularities to reach a
final acceptance of the doctrine of Eternal
Return. Klossowski also indicates the
strategies and the new ways of fighting
that we may infer from Nietzsche’s
accelerationist fragments: Nietzsche’s
position draws us away, in any case, from
all that which I have up to the present called
“political action”; it requires the creation
of a new comportment with regards to
conflict and strategising. It seems to me
more and more - and here I allude to Gilles
Deleuze - that we move towards a kind of
anti-psychiatric insurrection (...), that is to
say, the discovery of a species of pleasure
(...), on the part of psychiatrists or doctors
in becoming the“object of investigation”-
and moreover the pathological case will
feel more and more comfortable if he lives,
and imposes himself, by subverting the
institutional investigations which brand
him pathological. (CV, 42). Derrida asks
explanations about the aforementioned
declaration and the discussion becomes
very interesting to be able to sketch the
Nietzschean Rhizosphere with Klossowski,
Deleuze, Lyotard on one side and a very
concrete and alert Derrida on the other:
Derrida: “You suggested that parody could become political, and that it was, ultimately, subversive....”
Klossowski: “To the extent that «politics» is taken to entail «strategy» or «comportment»”.
Derrida: “But how, in any case, does parody
Derrida: “You suggested that parody could become political, and that it was, ultimately, subversive....”
Klossowski: “To the extent that «politics» is taken to entail «strategy» or «comportment»”.
Derrida: “But how, in any case, does parody
operate? Should one distinguish between
two kinds of parody: between the one, which,
on the pretext of being subversive, takes the
risk of establishing a political order (which
very much likes a certain type of parody
and finds its own confirmation there) and,
on the other hand, a parody which can really
deconstruct the political order? Is there a
form of parody which actually marks the
body politic, in contrast to a parody which
would be a parody of a parody, which would
play upon the surface of the political order,
playfully teasing, rather than destroying
it?”
Klossowski: “I think that «in the long run» nothing can resist such a parody.”
Derrida: “But someone who wants to transform the political order - can he really trust in the long run?”
Klossowski: “The time that is needed is a function of exercised pressure, and pressure depends, as a consequence, upon contagion.
Lyotard: “For Nietzsche the «parody of a parody» consists in a kind of «ressentiment» against power, it goes no further, it is a condition of mediocrity or weakness in intensity. To differentiate it from the other kind, I think the fundamental criterion is that of intensity. However, it is impossible to determine beforehand what the effectiveness of a parody will be, that’s why Nietzsche says it is necessary to be experimenters and artists, not people who have a plan and try to realise it - that’s old politics. Nietzsche says it’s necessary to try things out and discover which intensities produce which effects.” (CV, 43)
Here are two different revolutionary positions: Derrida’s more traditional one - inclined on Socialism - and the more heterodox interpretation outlined by Nietzschean Rhizosphere members who support a free-from-ideologies and non- top-down insurrectional action, conceiving revolution as headless, aimless, meaningless emissions of energy. Klossowski reminds us in his Nietzsche and the Vicious Circle that Nietzsche sought from the experience of the return of all things - namely, to lead intention back to intensity” (NVC,112). The theme of intensity is the real challenge, Deleuze and Guattari write: “And then, above all, we are not looking for a way out when we say that schizoanalysis as such has strictly no political program to propose. If it did have one, it would be grotesque and disquieting at the same time. It does not take itself for a party or even a group, and does not claim to be speaking for the masses. No political program will be elaborated within the framework of schizoanalysis. (AO, 380) They mean that the next revolutionary ones may have to face up the effort «to occupy and consequently free» the Anti- Œdipus «space» so that its mechanic and energy may be of help for the future fights. Chlebnikov docket.
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Klossowski: “I think that «in the long run» nothing can resist such a parody.”
Derrida: “But someone who wants to transform the political order - can he really trust in the long run?”
Klossowski: “The time that is needed is a function of exercised pressure, and pressure depends, as a consequence, upon contagion.
Lyotard: “For Nietzsche the «parody of a parody» consists in a kind of «ressentiment» against power, it goes no further, it is a condition of mediocrity or weakness in intensity. To differentiate it from the other kind, I think the fundamental criterion is that of intensity. However, it is impossible to determine beforehand what the effectiveness of a parody will be, that’s why Nietzsche says it is necessary to be experimenters and artists, not people who have a plan and try to realise it - that’s old politics. Nietzsche says it’s necessary to try things out and discover which intensities produce which effects.” (CV, 43)
Here are two different revolutionary positions: Derrida’s more traditional one - inclined on Socialism - and the more heterodox interpretation outlined by Nietzschean Rhizosphere members who support a free-from-ideologies and non- top-down insurrectional action, conceiving revolution as headless, aimless, meaningless emissions of energy. Klossowski reminds us in his Nietzsche and the Vicious Circle that Nietzsche sought from the experience of the return of all things - namely, to lead intention back to intensity” (NVC,112). The theme of intensity is the real challenge, Deleuze and Guattari write: “And then, above all, we are not looking for a way out when we say that schizoanalysis as such has strictly no political program to propose. If it did have one, it would be grotesque and disquieting at the same time. It does not take itself for a party or even a group, and does not claim to be speaking for the masses. No political program will be elaborated within the framework of schizoanalysis. (AO, 380) They mean that the next revolutionary ones may have to face up the effort «to occupy and consequently free» the Anti- Œdipus «space» so that its mechanic and energy may be of help for the future fights. Chlebnikov docket.
CLICK HERE 2 READ MORE
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