E.2.5. Accelerate the process - Pt. VIII - Excerpt from the essay «Money, Revolution and Acceleration in Deleuze and Guattari's Anti-Oedipus», Obsolete Capitalism Free Press/Rizosphere, 2016

Accelerate the process

Not to withdraw from the process, but to go further, to "accelerate the process," as Nietzsche put it: in this matter, the truth is that we haven't seen anything yet. (AO, 239)

We may assume as a logical starting point that Deleuze and Guattari are offering an apparent pro-market path, as highlighted in the previous paragraph; at the same time, we find a contradiction with the opposite option of a worldwide anti-capitalist revolution able to go beyond localism to reach the that dimension which Srnicek and Williams call folk politics. Not only one should go «backward» against the nationalist-marxist economy, or against those revolutionary ideals which overthrow established powers but - without withdrawing from the market - one should even join those turbo-capitalist lawless forces so as to push and «accelerate» the dangerous tendencies moving the decodification and deterritorialization of society. Why? If we take for granted that Deleuze and Guattari are not sneaky infiltrators of the enemies we may see such «unity of intentions» with the most extreme forces of the market economy as a «future benefit». Under the idea of instrumental exchange between immediate evil and future good, the statement we haven't seen anything yet sounds particularly sinister: the more violent the repression and the omologation of the individual arises, the fastest the explosion of the final good - as a basis of a new revolution - will come.

A second consideration deals with the force. Which type of force is an «accelerated revolutionary force»? The question is pertinent if we consider that «going backward» against the marxist- nationalist protectionism represents the trait d’union among forces moved by an active power that aims to destroy the countries (their territories) and their codes. Such forces are deregulated and mainly characterised by speed, therefore they may be called dromocratic forces. The powers that «stand still» and protect, are against the «accelerating forces» that decodify and become different from what they were. If the traditional market economy society yielded to the intrinsically capitalist and technologically developed dromology, society itself would be destined to be dominated by a monoscopic turbo- capitalism: an infinitive accumulation in a singular technological scenario. Similarly, if the revolutionary forces that «stand still» were overperformed by hidden dromocratic forces, what could a revolution be? A desiring power accelerated to a point where it exploded all the splinter groups (DI, 265) as Guattari states? Can we conceive a machinic dromocratic revolution and its consequent implications in different apocalyptic antinomic forces?
Third consideration: the time and actions of the levelling forces expressed by the «homo democraticus» have come to the end of that enlightened path which made man first a progressive accelerationist and then a dull kathecon, a reactionary, a preventer. Will a new «dromocratic community» offer a return to the Great Politics as announced by Nietzsche? 

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